Full Text Article. Also available at: http://journals.sfu.ca/iccps/index.php/childhoods/article/viewFile/8/12One of the most widely heralded educational policy reforms of the past few years has been the elimination of primary school fees in countries where pupils and parents have been responsible for such costs. Consistent with the goals of Education for All (EFA), international organizations and national governments in many Sub-Saharan African countries have joined together to increase access to schooling by abolishing fees and other mandatory contributions. The logic for such a change in policy is clear: If the cost of schooling is too high, poor parents will not send their children to school; therefore, the elimination of compulsory charges will lower the cost of education and increase the number of children in school. Indeed, several studies suggest that the recent elimination of school fees in East Africa is the reason for the rapid increase in primary school enrollment (Glewwe & Zhao, 2005; International Monetary Fund and the International Development Association [IMF & IDA], 2001, 2004). EFA has also heralded a new era for girls’ education in Africa, with global attention directed toward redressing gender disparities in enrollment and attainment through the lowering of school-related costs and other mechanisms (Bloch, Beoku-Betts, & Tabachnick, 1998; Samoff, 1999). Yet what if fees are only a fraction of the cost to parents to send their children—boys and girls—to school? What if schools cannot maintain themselves without required ―contributions‖ from parents because governments do not keep their financial promises? What if policies to abolish fees and other expenses satisfy international stakeholders but do not significantly reduce the financial burden of schooling on families, thereby necessitating children‘s labor in poor households? These are some of the niggling questions about the relationship between school fees and primary education, and between policy and practice, explored in this article about the Primary Education Development Plan (PEDP) in the United Republic of Tanzania. We consider how educational policy in heavily indebted countries, such as Tanzania, is shaped by international and national configurations of power that are reflected in policy discourse and policy implementation at the local level. Our analytical approach draws on the work of Stephen Ball (1990), as well as critical discourse analysis (CDA), which assumes that the relations of power can be discerned by tracing the production, circulation, and implementation of a given policy (Fairclough, 1992; Rogers, 2004). This requires looking at parallels between economic policy shaped by international financial institutions and national education policies in Africa, and it involves exploring the degree of local awareness of domestic reforms intended to improve the lives of the populace. With this view of policy studies in mind, we first situate the study of PEDP within a broader international context and then examine its implementation in northern Tanzania.